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Private Lives of Pompeii

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The household

AD 1 Marriage – a less than equal relationship: from a Roman frieze.
 

Marriage – a less than equal relationship: from a Roman frieze.
Mary Evans Picture Library
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A Roman household could encompass a vastly extended family. Within it, the senior male – the paterfamilias – had greater authority over his dependants than a patron had over his clients. This could include guardianship of women bequeathed to him, as well as (in theory) absolute authority over even a middle-aged son. But the laws and traditions on which the paterfamilias's control over his world was based were rapidly changing.

Patricians, slaves and freedmen
The responsibilities of the adult male patrician – in addition to public service – had been clearly defined. For instance, the duty to procreate was legislated through the Augustan marriage laws (18 BC-AD 9), which, in addition to promoting childbearing, attempted to control adultery, and regulate marriage between social ranks. But after AD 45, under the emperor Claudius, these burdens were lifted.

Age had been venerated during the republic, but Augustus had encouraged a cult of youth. As a result, fathers now could expect less respect from their children and had to make specific arrangements to ensure that they would be cared for in old age, rather than presume that their offspring would look after them.

Slaves were legally no more than property. But the relationship between masters and their slaves or former slaves – freedmen – was often one of affection, mutual care and responsibility.

However, patricians in post-earthquake Pompeii were becoming anxious about freedmen's ambitions. This was expressed in the archetypal satirical figure of the 'legacy hunter', who became notorious during this period of wealth and social mobility. A freedman, he insinuated his way into the affections of the wealthy in the hope of being favoured in their wills over even their own children.

Marriage and divorce
Most women spent the whole of their lives under the control of a paterfamilias. But who that was changed as time went on.

During Rome's early history, a wife passed from the manus (power) of her father to that of her husband, so becoming a virtual blood relative; this was known as a cum manu marriage. However, this was phased out in favour of the sine manu marriage, in which the wife remained a member of her birth family and subject to the authority of her father. Exactly why there was this change is not known, but one explanation may have been the need to keep the dowry within the ownership of the bride's family, especially if it was property.

For much of the republic, only husbands could initiate a divorce, and then only in certain circumstances, such as the wife's adultery or barrenness. (Roman law did not recognise adultery by husbands.) By the time of Cicero (106-43 BC), however, divorce was easily accomplished by either wife or husband, generally without financial penalties and for almost any reason. All that was required under Augustan law was a declaration before seven witnesses of the desire to divorce.

On divorce, the wife (if she had had a sine manu marriage) was entitled to a full refund of her dowry, and she returned to the patria potestas – family protection – of her father. If she had been independent of her father prior to marriage, she would regain her independence when she divorced.

Among the upper classes, divorces became relatively common, at least those initiated by men. But though wives now possessed the right to end their marriages, few actually seem to have done so. This may be because women had very few opportunities to make an independent living, and because custody of children was normally awarded to the father.

Children
According to some academics, a woman in the Augustan age had a great incentive to bear children: once she had produced three offspring, she was released from all manus and was free to conduct business on her own account. For a slave woman, the quota was four children.

There were incentives for men, too: according to a decree of Augustus, priority would be given, not to a consul who was older, but to the one with the most children. Despite this, however, childlessness had become a valid 'lifestyle choice' in Pompeii, even though contraception was very hit and miss.

Childbirth, when it did happen, had many rituals associated with it to cover its many risks. The most important was the paterfamilias's acceptance of the child into the household, signalled by him picking up the baby from the floor. A child not so formally accepted ran the risk of being abandoned – that is, left to take its chances in the open in a public place.

It has been suggested that it was mainly the poorer classes that – in the Roman term – 'exposed' newborn children, either because their parents were unable to care for them or simply because they were unwanted. It was expected (or hoped) that the children left in public places would be found and raised as slaves. But many undoubtedly died.

Daughters were abandoned more often than sons, perhaps because they would eventually need a dowry and were therefore seen as a potential drain on the family's financial resources. It is ironic that the very institution of dowry, which served as the means by which some women acquired a measure of independence within marriage, may have condemned others to slavery.

Lower-class women
Unlike those of their upper-class counterparts, the lives of most lower-class women, including slaves, were not so very different in post-earthquake Pompeii from what they had been for centuries. Free-born women continued to scratch out livings as laundresses, weavers, butchers and fish-sellers, or in one of the occupations that are recorded on inscriptions at Pompeii: bean-dealer, nail-seller, brick-maker, even stonecutter.

A number of poor women worked as waitresses in taverns, where they were probably expected, or obliged, to engage in prostitution on the side. In fact, for a lot of unskilled working-class women, prostitution was the only way to make a living, however inadequate.

The wealthy freedwoman
Granted her freedom at around the time of the earthquake, Julia invests the gift she receives from her ex-master in a modest Pompeian villa where she offers lodgings for gentlemen travellers. With care, hard work and a canny association with the fashionable Egyptian cult of Isis, Julia quickly builds her fortune and expands her guest house until it occupies an entire town block.

Now in her mid-30s, Julia has reached the latest age at which a woman could expect to be married. Dynamic and self-reliant, Julia has always claimed that marriage would impose too many constraints, limiting her freedom to act as an independent businesswoman. But having made her fortune, she now finds herself a daunting prospect for potential husbands.

The arrival of Marcus Petilius Obellius at her guesthouse poses a challenge for Julia. In the high-minded retired centurion from north Africa, she has met her perfect match. With a large pension of his own, Petilius is not intimidated by Julia's wealth, while he is a self-made man whom Julia can respect.

But Petilius, a traditionalist, wants an old-fashioned marriage (cum manu) – which means that all Julia's wealth will pass to his control. She favours the more flexible modern form (sine manu). They appear to reach an impasse.

As a compromise, Julia agrees to the marriage form that Petilius prefers, on condition that he convert from his worship of Mithras to the Isis cult. In the process of his initiation, his eyes are opened to the rights of women and he actually insists that their marriage should be sine manu.

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