Iraq's Political History
The story of Imam Husayn, oppressed by a powerful and militaristic ruler has many parallels with the plight of Shi'a Muslims in Iraq and the rise during the late 1960's of Saddam Hussein and his Ba'ath party-dominated government which was composed predominantly of Sunnis.
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Ashura commemorations in Karbala were suppressed |
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By 1968, the Shi'a element of the Ba'ath party dropped to 6% and Shi'a masses looked for alternate representation. In answer to this, the largest Shi'a political organisation, the Al-Da'wa al-Islamiyah party (Islamic Call), formed in 1958 provided an outlet for the increasingly disaffected Shi'a people.
Believing that there was no hope of social improvement through political activity and faced with the being ruled by a Sunni-dominated government, Muharram and its religious processions became an outlet for political protest.
In 1974 five members of the Da'wa party were executed after rioting in Karbala. In 1977 there were more serious disturbances and eight were executed. Faced with this defiance of their rule, the Ba'th party took steps to control (some say ban) Muharram commemorations in order to limit their power over Shi'a Muslims.
The traditional march of Shi'a from Najaf to Karbala to visit the holy shrines was also suppressed. One of the most visible ways the commemoration of Muharram was discouraged could be seen in the declining number of flagellants. The performance of flagellation turned from the enthusiastic wielding of knives, swords and chains to paying others to perform it.
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Public self-flagellation was banned |
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Indeed, Iraqi Shi'a groups acknowledge that by abolishing the public rites, the government took an enormous step towards bolstering its own rule, for these rites had threatened the Sunni dominance of Iraq.
Day to day life for Shi'a Muslims in Iraq became increasingly dangerous during the '70's especially after the 1979 Iranian Revolution and during Saddam's eight-year war against Iran in the '80's where Iranian Shi'a were targeted.
Shi'a Muslims associated with the Da'wa party were arrested and either executed or deported across the border to Iran. With this massive campaign, the Ba'th party succeeded in destroying the power of the Da'wa culminating in April 1980, with the execution of the Ayatollah Sadr, the symbol of Shi'a opposition to Saddam's Iraq.
As the war between Iran and Iraq dragged on Iraqi Shi'a participated in an unsuccessful uprising against the regime which only worsened the situation. The Sunni authorities cracked down on the Iraqi Shi'a leading to further terror and executions.
On May 1st 2003, with the official end of the US-led invasion and the overthrow of Saddam Hussein's Ba'th Party, Shi'a Muslims celebrated their religious freedom. Today, Iraq is still occupied by coalition forces and only just beginning to rebuild.
The renaissance of Muharram, a religious ritual that at its heart is bound up with the Shi'a way of life marks the first steps of a country keen to reassert its traditions and revel in its heritage.
Who holds power today? Who's who in the Iraqi world?
At the forefront of a revitalised Iraqi Shi'a community are influential clerics. A number of leaders stand out - ranging from the older, more reserved leadership to younger, more militant mullahs eager to assert their power after so long in the political wilderness.
Two of the principal leaders are:
The Grand Ayatollah Ali Hussein al-Sistani: A top "marjaa," or
religious authority, in the Shi'a clerical hierarchy and recognised
to be the leader of Shi'a Muslims. Originally from Iran, he heads
the Hawza al - llmiya, a historic centre of Shi'a learning in the
shrine city of Najaf. Whilst Al - Sistani has rejected any 'foreign
rule' of Iraq he has urged his followers not to interfere with coalition
forces and says that he will accept whatever form of government that
the Iraqi people approves of.
Muqtada al-Sadr: The third son of the Ayatollah Mohammad
Sadiq al-Sadr. Sadr known as Sadr the second was murdered by Saddam's
regime in February 1999 and is now revered by many as a martyr. His
son enjoys much support due to his family name although he is too
young and of too low a clerical rank to take on the symbolic leadership
that Sistani holds.
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